Public administration in the modern era is under constant pressure to do more with less. As governments grapple with shrinking budgets, rising citizen expectations, and rapid technological change, two management ideas have repeatedly taken centre stage: Business Process Reengineering (BPR) and New Public Management (NPM). Both promised dramatic improvements in efficiency, accountability, and service delivery. But decades after their arrival, the question remains: have they actually delivered, or are they simply management fashions that come and go?
Table of Contents
- Understanding the core promise of BPR and NPM
- The case for reform: what BPR and NPM actually achieved
- Cost-cutting and capacity building
- Information technology as the great enabler
- Market-oriented improvements in performance
- The critique: where BPR and NPM fall short
- The efficiency trap
- NPM and the developing-country problem
- The socio-economic blind spot
- Are they transient concepts or lasting influences?
- Decentralisation and accountability
- Technology integration
- A more cautious optimism
- Balancing efficiency with equity
Understanding the core promise of BPR and NPM
Before we assess these reforms, it helps to understand what they set out to do. BPR, popularised by Michael Hammer and James Champy in the early 1990s, calls for a fundamental rethinking and radical redesign of business processes to achieve dramatic improvements in cost, quality, speed, and service. Instead of tinkering at the edges, BPR asks administrators to throw out the existing process map and start from scratch, usually powered by information technology.
NPM, on the other hand, is broader in scope. It borrows management techniques from the private sector and applies them to government. It emerged as a critique of the classical Weberian bureaucratic model, responding to pathologies like red-tapism, nepotism, and inefficiency that plagued many governments. Where BPR is a technique, NPM is closer to a philosophy – one that views the citizen as a customer, the government as a service provider, and the market as a benchmark for performance.
Both reforms share common DNA: they emphasise efficiency, performance measurement, decentralisation, and the intelligent use of technology. And both became dominant in public administration discourse during the 1990s and early 2000s, when liberalisation swept across the developing world.
The case for reform: what BPR and NPM actually achieved
Critics often dismiss BPR and NPM as transient buzzwords. But their contributions to public administration are more substantial than that label suggests.
Cost-cutting and capacity building
One of BPR’s most visible outcomes has been the reduction of wasteful expenditure. By mapping existing processes and eliminating redundant steps, agencies have been able to cut processing times and costs dramatically. The reengineering approach helps organisations overcome the fragmentation of tasks and skills, establish formal process management methods, and adopt continuous improvement practices based on observation of results. This shift from a function-based to a process-based view of work has allowed public bodies to break hierarchical silos.
Capacity building has been another meaningful gain. In India, the Department of Administrative Reforms and Public Grievances (DARPG) built BPR directly into its training curriculum for civil servants. The Master e-Governance Training Plan covers proficiency tracks such as Business Process Reengineering, Project Management, and Change Management, and is conducted through the National Institute of Electronics and Information Technology and NIC. This institutionalisation shows that BPR is no longer an external concept – it is now embedded in how bureaucrats are trained.
Information technology as the great enabler
Perhaps the most significant contribution of BPR and NPM has been the push to integrate information technology into public service delivery. The National e-Governance Plan (NeGP) is a textbook example. The NeGP was designed to adopt a holistic, programme-based approach to e-governance, enabling savings in cost, interoperability through standards, and a seamless citizen view of government.
Subsequent initiatives like Digital India, DigiLocker, UMANG, and MyGov have carried this logic forward, using technology to simplify procedures and empower citizens.
Market-oriented improvements in performance
NPM’s contribution has been to inject competition and customer-focus into public administration. Citizen charters, outsourcing of non-core functions, performance-based budgeting, and public-private partnerships have all become part of mainstream governance. The Fifth Pay Commission in 1998, for example, marked a clear departure from the classical approach. It emphasised examining work methods and environment, and suggested rationalisation aimed at promoting efficiency, reducing redundant paperwork, and optimising the size of government machinery. This was NPM thinking in action.
The critique: where BPR and NPM fall short
Despite these gains, both frameworks have attracted serious criticism – and not without reason.
The efficiency trap
The most persistent critique of BPR is that it reduces organisations to a spreadsheet of costs and outputs, ignoring the human beings who make them work. The most frequent critique against BPR concerns its strict focus on efficiency and technology and its disregard of the people in the organisation that is subjected to a reengineering initiative, with the BPR label often used for major workforce reductions. Thomas Davenport, one of BPR’s early champions, later distanced himself from this narrow interpretation.
Worse still, failure rates are high. Studies have estimated that over 70% of BPR implementations fall short of their expected outcomes, usually because of a mismatch between ambition and institutional readiness. Radical redesign sounds exciting on paper but is disruptive in practice, and many public agencies lack the leadership continuity, change-management skills, and cultural readiness to pull it off.
NPM and the developing-country problem
NPM’s troubles are different. Critics argue that it was designed for mature economies with strong markets, reliable data, and professional bureaucracies – conditions that many developing countries simply don’t have. Scholars like Polidano have argued that NPM does not suit developing countries because governments in these contexts may lack the necessary expertise and have unreliable information systems.
The result is a reform agenda that can end up excluding the very people it claims to serve. When public services are privatised or run on cost-recovery principles, vulnerable populations – the poor, the rural, the digitally illiterate – are often left behind. The evidence on NPM is mixed at best: in some cases, there have been efficiency improvements, but reforms can be costly and even decrease accountability.
The socio-economic blind spot
Both BPR and NPM tend to treat administration as a technical problem – something that can be fixed through better processes and smarter incentives. But public administration in a country like ours is deeply political and social. Caste, class, gender, regional disparity, and linguistic diversity all shape how services are delivered and received. A reengineered process that works beautifully in a metropolitan tax office may collapse in a remote district where digital infrastructure is patchy and literacy rates are low.
This is why critics point out that NPM often struggles with contextual fit. Empirical evidence reveals that while BPR-led transformation efforts contributed towards improving efficiency and integrating processes, institutional structures sometimes evolved into a collection of reshaped and newly formed silos. In other words, you break the old bureaucracy only to rebuild a newer, shinier version of it.
Are they transient concepts or lasting influences?
It is tempting to treat BPR and NPM as management fads that peaked in the 1990s and faded. But that view is too simple. Their vocabulary and underlying assumptions have quietly become part of everyday governance.
Decentralisation and accountability
The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments, which strengthened panchayats and urban local bodies, reflect NPM’s emphasis on bringing governance closer to citizens. Performance reviews, outcome budgeting, and results-based management are now standard practice in many ministries. Right to Information, social audits, and citizen charters have institutionalised the idea that the public sector must answer to its users.
Technology integration
BPR’s insistence on process redesign through IT has reshaped the Indian state. The Second Administrative Reforms Commission itself noted that poor progress in earlier e-governance efforts was partly due to inadequate attention to BPR and lack of clear demarcation of responsibility. The lesson has since been internalised: no serious digital-governance project today is launched without a process reengineering component.
A more cautious optimism
What has faded is the triumphalism of the 1990s, when BPR and NPM were marketed as universal cures. What has survived is a more modest, experimental approach – piloting reforms, adapting them to local conditions, and measuring outcomes honestly. NPM has probably left a helpful legacy by adding to managerial choices within the public sector and demonstrating that public management reforms require capable, motivated governments to work.
Balancing efficiency with equity
The real lesson from the BPR and NPM experience is that efficiency is necessary but not sufficient. A government that moves fast but leaves its poorest citizens behind has failed at its core mission. The challenge for public administration in the coming decade is to combine the best of these reforms – technological leverage, performance focus, decentralised authority – with a stronger commitment to equity, inclusion, and democratic accountability.
This means designing processes that work for the last-mile user, not just the most tech-savvy citizen. It means using performance data to identify gaps in service delivery rather than merely to cut budgets. And it means recognising that public servants are not private-sector employees; they carry a different kind of responsibility to the collective good.
What do you think? Have BPR and NPM reforms genuinely improved governance in the districts and cities you know best, or have they mostly benefited those who were already well-served? And if you were asked to redesign a single public service process today, where would you begin – with the technology, the people, or the policy?
References
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Business_process_re-engineering
- https://egyankosh.ac.in/bitstream/123456789/25278/1/Unit-16.pdf
- https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S266618882200003X
- https://darpg.gov.in/about-e-governance-division
- https://saiindia.gov.in/uploads/media/PC-03-National-e-gov-plan-20210331115146.pdf
- https://scialert.net/fulltext/?doi=rjbm.2011.35.43
- https://gsdrc.org/document-library/the-legacy-of-the-new-public-management-in-developing-countries/
- https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10257-021-00527-2
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