Social Justice in Practice: Addressing Inequalities and Injustices

Social justice is more than a lofty constitutional ideal; it is a daily struggle fought in villages, police stations, courtrooms, and classrooms. While the Constitution guarantees equality to every citizen, the lived reality for millions of Dalits, Adivasis, and members of other weaker sections tells a different story. Practising social justice means moving beyond promises on paper and confronting the deep-rooted inequalities that continue to scar society. This is where the applied side of social justice comes in: translating ideals into action through laws, institutions, grassroots mobilisation, and the work of civil society.

From principle to practice: The applied face of social justice 🔗

Social justice in theory is about fairness, dignity, and equal opportunity. In practice, it is about tackling the specific injustices that prevent these ideals from being realised. In the Indian context, this means confronting caste-based discrimination, untouchability, atrocities against Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), economic exploitation of the poor, and the social exclusion of marginalised groups.

The Constitution lays the foundation through Articles 14, 15, 17, and 21, which guarantee equality, prohibit discrimination, abolish untouchability, and protect personal liberty. Yet, as the government itself acknowledges, Article 17 alone cannot end the social practice of untouchability; it requires active legal enforcement and administrative vigilance. The journey from constitutional guarantee to lived equality is paved with statutes, schemes, courts, awareness drives, and the persistent efforts of non-governmental organisations (NGOs).

Tackling untouchability: The Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 🔗

Though untouchability was officially abolished more than seven decades ago, its practice persists in subtle and overt forms across many parts of the country. The Protection of Civil Rights Act (PCR Act), 1955, originally titled the Untouchability (Offences) Act, was enacted to give legal teeth to Article 17 of the Constitution.

What the Act covers 🔗

The PCR Act prescribes punishment for the preaching and practice of untouchability and for the enforcement of any disability arising out of it. Offences under the Act include refusing access to places of public worship, denying entry to shops, restaurants, hotels, and public places, refusing to sell goods or render services, and insulting or molesting a person on the ground of untouchability.

The Act extends to the whole of India and is implemented by the respective State Governments and Union Territory administrations. Central assistance is provided through a Centrally Sponsored Scheme to strengthen enforcement machinery, set up Protection Cells, support Special Police Stations, and fund awareness campaigns.

Why implementation matters 🔗

A law is only as strong as its enforcement. Case-level data shows that conviction rates under the PCR Act remain modest, and many cases are closed during investigation. Effective implementation demands trained police officers, sensitised judicial officers, and a supportive administrative climate that does not dismiss complaints as social disputes. When officials treat untouchability as a personal matter rather than a criminal offence, the law’s purpose is defeated.

The Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989: A stronger shield 🔗

Recognising that the PCR Act and ordinary provisions of criminal law were inadequate to check violent crimes against SCs and STs, Parliament enacted the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, commonly known as the SC/ST Act or PoA Act.

Key features of the Act 🔗

The Act was designed to prevent the commission of offences of atrocities against members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, provide for Special Courts for the trial of such offences, and ensure relief and rehabilitation of victims. Section 3 of the Act defines a wide range of acts as atrocities – from forcing a person to eat inedible substances, parading them naked, occupying their land, or preventing them from casting a vote, to sexual exploitation and social boycott.

Subsequent amendments have strengthened the law considerably. The 2015 amendment expanded the list of offences to include practices such as garlanding with footwear, forcing manual scavenging, imposing social or economic boycotts, and dedicating SC/ST women as devadasis. The 2018 amendment removed the requirement of prior approval from a Senior Superintendent of Police before arresting an accused.

Special Courts and protection machinery 🔗

To ensure speedy trial, the Act mandates the establishment of a Special Court in each district to exclusively try offences under the Act, in concurrence with the Chief Justice of the High Court. States are required to set up SC/ST Protection Cells headed by senior police officers, and investigations must be conducted by officers not below the rank of Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP). Rule 7 of the 1995 Rules, along with provisions for Special Public Prosecutors, is meant to ensure that prosecution is handled by experienced legal professionals.

Gaps in enforcement 🔗

Despite its robust design, the Act’s implementation has faced persistent challenges. Many Special Courts also handle unrelated criminal matters, resulting in case backlogs and slow resolution. Preventive mechanisms remain weak, rehabilitation is often limited to modest financial compensation, and awareness among both beneficiaries and enforcement officials is patchy. Victims still face hurdles in filing FIRs, and social pressure to withdraw complaints is common.

Making enforcement real: Awareness, media, and sensitisation 🔗

Laws alone cannot dismantle centuries of prejudice. For applied social justice to work, three things must happen on the ground: people must know their rights, public opinion must shift, and officials must act without bias.

Awareness campaigns at the community level 🔗

Many victims of caste discrimination remain unaware of the specific protections available to them. Government-supported awareness programmes under the Centrally Sponsored Scheme fund legal literacy camps, publicity materials, and street-level outreach. NGOs complement these efforts by organising workshops, community meetings, and street plays that explain legal rights in local languages and help people approach authorities with confidence.

The power of media 🔗

Mass media – newspapers, television, radio, and increasingly digital platforms – plays a decisive role in shaping public attitudes. Investigative reporting on atrocities has repeatedly pushed administrations to act in cases they would otherwise have ignored. Public service advertisements, documentaries, and social media campaigns can normalise the idea that caste-based discrimination is both illegal and morally unacceptable. At the same time, media needs to be mindful of stereotyping victims or sensationalising caste violence.

Sensitisation of officials 🔗

Police officers, magistrates, revenue officials, and district administrators are the frontline implementers of protective laws. When these officials carry caste biases – conscious or unconscious – the entire protective framework weakens. Regular training programmes, caste-sensitisation modules in police academies and administrative training institutes, and inclusion of SC/ST perspectives in induction courses can change this. Performance reviews, transparent data on case disposal, and accountability for wilful neglect (which is itself punishable under the PoA Act) make sensitisation more than a one-time exercise.

The role of NGOs: Catalysts of social change 🔗

If the State provides the legal architecture, non-governmental organisations provide much of the social energy needed to make it work. Civil society has historically been a powerful force in pushing the State to address injustice, and in reaching communities that government machinery often cannot.

Scale and scope of NGO activity 🔗

As of recent estimates, India is home to roughly 1.87 lakh registered NGOs on the NGO-DARPAN portal maintained by NITI Aayog. These organisations vary widely in size and focus, from small community-based collectives to large national bodies working across education, health, legal aid, livelihoods, and human rights.

NGOs as service providers and rights advocates 🔗

NGOs play a dual role. On one hand, they deliver services that complement or extend government welfare – running schools, vocational training centres, self-help groups, and health camps in communities that remain underserved. On the other, they act as rights advocates: offering free legal assistance, helping survivors file FIRs, monitoring the implementation of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and pushing for accountability from public institutions.

Organisations such as the Dalit Foundation have focused specifically on supporting community-based organisations and networks to secure social change and protect Dalit rights, with an emphasis on eradicating caste-based discrimination and atrocities. Grant-making, fellowships, and capacity-building for grassroots leaders strengthen the movement from within.

Fighting economic exploitation and social evils 🔗

Beyond caste-specific advocacy, NGOs have been central to campaigns against bonded labour, manual scavenging, child labour, dowry, domestic violence, and alcoholism. Many work with Dalit and Adivasi communities, which remain at the bottom of the economic ladder, by helping them access land rights, minimum wages, and financial inclusion. Microfinance initiatives, producer cooperatives, and digital skill-building programmes open doors that were previously shut.

Accountability and watchdog functions 🔗

NGOs also function as watchdogs of the State. By monitoring government performance, tracking the implementation of welfare schemes, and conducting social audits, they bring transparency to governance. Reports produced by civil society often inform parliamentary debates, judicial orders, and policy revisions. Their proximity to affected communities gives them insights that formal surveys frequently miss.

Limitations and criticisms 🔗

NGOs are not without challenges. Dependence on external funding can narrow their priorities, regulatory restrictions (such as those under the FCRA) have complicated operations for many, and coordination with government machinery is uneven. There are also critiques that some NGOs end up depoliticising grassroots movements. Even so, the sector remains an indispensable partner in the project of social justice.

A joined-up approach: Law, State, and society working together 🔗

Applied social justice is not the job of any single institution. It requires a triangular partnership: strong laws backed by proactive State enforcement, a vigilant media and engaged citizenry shaping public opinion, and a vibrant civil society mobilising communities and holding power to account. When any one of these corners weakens, the entire structure tilts.

The experience of the past seven decades shows that legislation is necessary but not sufficient. Without awareness, sensitised officials, rehabilitation mechanisms, and social mobilisation, even the best-drafted law becomes a dead letter. Conversely, without legal backing, community action can achieve only limited, localised change. The way forward lies in better coordination between District Magistrates, Protection Cells, Special Courts, Vigilance and Monitoring Committees, and NGOs working at the ground level.

What do you think? Given that laws like the PCR Act and the PoA Act have existed for decades, what changes in administrative attitude or community engagement do you believe are most urgent to make social justice a lived reality rather than a legal aspiration? And how can young citizens contribute meaningfully to this ongoing struggle?

References

1. https://socialjustice.gov.in/writereaddata/UploadFile/The%20Scheduled%20Castes%20and%20Scheduled%20Tribes.pdf
2. https://socialjustice.gov.in/schemes/39
3. https://ncwapps.nic.in/acts/TheProtectionofCivilRightsAct1955.pdf
4. https://socialjustice.gov.in/writereaddata/UploadFile/88171674566397.pdf
5. https://scstwelfare.delhi.gov.in/scstwelfare/scheduled-castes-and-scheduled-tribes-0
6. https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/supreme-court-ruling-on-the-sc-and-st-act-1989
7. https://blog.ipleaders.in/scheduled-castes-and-scheduled-tribes-prevention-of-atrocities-act-1989/
8. https://ngofeed.com/blog/role-of-ngos-in-dalit-upliftment/
9. https://www.dalvoy.com/en/upsc/mains/previous-years/2025/anthropology-paper-ii/role-ngos-development-weaker-sections
10. https://www.fundsforngos.org/developing-countries-2/india/dalit-foundation-programs-accelerating-change-equality-india/
11. https://www.bridgespan.org/insights/pathways-to-greater-social-mobility-for-india-dalit-and-adivasi-communities